Most nineteenth century Clare Catholics expected to find Heaven after death if very blessed, Hell if very bad, or Purgatory if somewhere in between. They anticipated that their bodies would be taken from their homes to be buried with kin in consecrated ground after their wake. Most times, this is exactly how it happened.

However there were some dead who did not qualify for any of the three main categories of the afterlife. These included strangers (perhaps washed up on the seashore) about whom nothing was known. More common were suicides and unbaptised children (Leanaí gan baisteadh), “a sad association…of those who had known nothing and those who had known too much of life” as folklorist Robin Flower commented on a child burial in the Great Blasket island.[1]Child deaths were the most numerous and the most difficult to deal with. There is strong evidence in the archaeology to show that child burials had been treated separately in many societies since prehistoric times.[2] For unbaptised children, since the Council of Trent in 1563 until the Second Vatican Council (1962-65), it was considered that stillborn babies or unbaptised neonates that died soon after birth could not go to Heaven.[3]While it was recognized that these children had committed no sin, they had not earned salvation through baptism and so could not be treated as members of the Church. The Catholic Church’s response to this dilemma was the notion of limbo-a state which offered respite but not in the presence of God; a sad shadowy place described in Irish as dorchadas gan phian – darkness without pain.[4] They predominantly date from the post-medieval period (mid-sixteenth century) to the mid-twentieth century, though a number of medieval examples have also been recorded.

Furthermore ‘the theologically liminal state of these infant souls was mirrored in the geographical liminality of their bodies.’[5]Stillborn children and suicides were considered ineligible for burial in consecrated ground. They were instead interred in separate ‘children’s burial grounds’ called cillíní or cealluraigh (hence Cealluragh townlands in the Bunratty baronies). These were anglicized as ‘Kyles’ or ‘Kyleens’ in parts of Clare. Because of high infant mortality rates in the nineteenth century they were frequently in use.

The cillíní were chosen carefully. In an article on children’s burials in Clare their locations were given as ‘near Holy Wells, others are on the borders of townlands, or in places of mystical significance, the remainder are at crossing points, near megalithic tombs or in positions of importance.’ [6] As well as being ‘physically and spiritually liminal in the landscape…the host site is an important determinant, enhancing the ambiguity and otherness of the burials.’[7] It was also concluded that ‘the type of burial deposits does not encourage visitations as an active part of remembrance.’[8]

Folklore tells us that child burials at cillíní were performed quickly and discreetly, often undertaken at night by the father, with minimum ceremony and without formal community acknowledgement, such as a wake.[9] However the care taken with grave markers and recent excavation of grave goods such as shrouds, a crucifix, pins, and fabric indicate that care and religious observance were fulfilled at these burials.[10]

Holy wells and cillíní shared an existence exterior to the official church. Their functions were to provide a service to people who sought sense and consolation in the world. With the non-availability of the parish graveyard in the face of strict Catholic doctrine and in response to the needs of the grieving family, the community would bury their dead close, in what to them was their sacred ground. Often when the official church was out of bounds, an abandoned earlier church would suffice. Many cillíns are situated in or near church ruins. For example a consecrated graveyard beside the old church of Shankill,Dangan that had been abandoned was subsequently used as a cillín.

unbaptised children Ballymacloon

Ballymacloon East, Quin. Remains of a Holy Well and cillín.

Shankill cemetery, Dangan, later used as a cillín.

Also worth noting are the number of cillíns found in ring forts, long considered the abode of the fairies. The ring forts at Tullycrine and Furoor in West Clare are typical examples. The majority of local people up to at least the mid-nineteenth century had a firm belief in the Aes Sidhe or fairy world and assistance was often sought from there. With suicides or strangers ‘it was also a common practice to bury such people in places associated with the fairies or the good people: liosanna and ráthanna….Single instances also exist of burial underneath a lone bush or burial beside holy wells.’[11]

Cillinsin Quin parish are found in Ballymacloon East (CL042-041001), Kilbreckan (CL034-104001), Cullaun (CL043-020), Castlefergus (CL043-062001), Ballykilty (CL042-019) and Dangan (CL035-08902) townlands.

While there was a perceived prohibition of frequent visits to the infant graves in the cillín, this may have been overcome by time spent at a nearby holy well as a substitute act of remembrance. For example at Ballymacloon East, the Holy Well and the cillín are on the same site. The presence of a quartz or quartzite stone, for centuries associated with interments, is found at holy wells. This may have been left as a token during a ritual round/turas performed at the well while invoking its patron saint for the soul of a cherished baby in the nearby burial ground.In a study in the parish of Ballynacally/Lissycasey, west Clare by Mary Hester, of seven cillíní visited, four have a nearby well (60 percent).

There are the remains of 136 cillíní in county Clare – a remarkable number when compared with most counties. The national average, excluding the four most numerous counties is about 11 cillíní per county, with most counties having less than five children’s burial grounds. It raises the question that if the cillíní met an important psychological and spiritual need for some, how did counties with practically no children’s graveyards cope with their unbaptised dead?

The refusal to place unbaptised infants in consecrated ground was an appalling tragedy for a deeply religious people. The use of cillíns mitigated the pain a little and the visitation to a nearby Holy Well allowed some level of closure. The use of cillíns continued up to the 1940’s and in some instances, the 1950’s. I have met people who told me of a tiny sister or brother buried in a cillín. Recently in many parishes, the cillíns have been embraced and reintroduced into the prayer community. Perhaps the same should be considered for Quin?

Michael Houlihan.

29/09/2021

Please note:  Much of the information in this article comes from Chapter Three of my book ‘The Holy Wells of County Clare’ (2015).

[1]Robin Flower, The Western Island or Great Blasket, (Oxford, 1978), pp 85-86.

[2] Nyree Finlay, Outside of Life: Traditions of Infant Burial in Ireland from Cillin to Cist inWorld Archaeology, xxxi, No. 3, Human Lifecycles, (2000), pp 407-422.

[3] ‘So that infants, unless they pass the number of believers through the sacrament which was divinely instituted for the purpose (Baptism), will undoubtedly remain in darkness’in The Catholic Encyclopedia: An International Work of Reference on the Constitution, Doctrine, Discipline, and History of the Catholic Church, Book 1, Chapter 35, (New York, 1912), p. 312.

[4]Anne O’ Connor, The Blessed and the Damned, Sinful Women and Unbaptised Children in Irish Folklore, (Berne, 2005), p. 38.

[5]Sarah Tarlow, Ritual, Belief and the Dead in Early Modern Britain and Ireland, (Cambridge 2011), p. 45.

[6]Patrick Madden, ‘Graves without Grace-a look at some Kyles in North East Clare’ in Sliabh Aughty East Clare Heritage Journal, i, (Ennis, no date) pp 3-5.

[7]Nyree Finlay, ‘Outside of Life: Traditions of Infant Burial in Ireland from Cillín to Cist’ in World Archaeology, xxxi, No. 3, Human Lifecycles, (2000), pp 407-422.

[8]Ibid.

[9]D. Sugrue, An examination of Aspects of Tradition relating to some Ceallúnaigh in Uibh Rathach, unpublished M.A. thesis, UCC, (1993).

[10]J. Nolan, ‘Excavation of a children’s burial ground at Tonybaun, Ballina, Co. Mayo’ in Settlement; Industry and Ritual, J. O’Sullivan and M. Stanley (eds.), (Dublin, 2006), pp 89-101.

[11]Anne O’ Connor, The Blessed and the Damned, Sinful Women and Unbaptised Children in Irish Folklore, (Berne, 2005), p. 76.

 

 

 

Seán na Gealaí

Halloween is the direct descendent of Samhain. It was the night when the gap between this world and the spirit world narrowed.  Known as Oiche Shamhna or ‘spirit night’, the souls of the dead were expected to return to the family home. The Church introduced the Feast of All Saints (Nov1) and the Feast of All Souls (Nov 2nd) to counter Samhain. Evil spirits were also thought to be abroad and people avoided travelling alone on this night.

   “Deireann na daoine go mbíonn sidheogaí amuigh oidhche Shamhna”, Schools’ Collection (NFCS 249).

Origins of Samhain

Contender 1- Tulsk, County Roscommon

Oweynagat Cave, Uaimh na gCat, meaning the ‘Cave of the Cats’ in Rath Croaghan. The Book of Leinster names it as dorus iffrin na Hérend – Ireland’s Gateway to Hell. Demons and all kinds of creatures emerge from here on Oiche Shamhna.

 Echtra Nerai (the Adventures of Nera) is first mentioned in the 10th century Cath Maige Mucrama story,  happening at Samhain.

Oweynagat Cave is also said to be the home of the Morrigan. She is portrayed as a goddess of battle and war, with the power to transform into crows or ravens. Her dreaded cry was frequently heard over battlefields.

Echtra Nerai, the Adventures of Nera

An Irish text taken from the Ulster Cycle, dating to the tenth century entitled ‘Nera and the Dead Man’, tells of the warrior Nera who accepts a dare during a dark and stormy Samhain night to tie a withy around the ankle of a hanging dead man. As he does so, the corpse suddenly comes to life and asks Nera to carry him on his back. Nera complies. After some adventures Nera gets the dead man back to his tree. All of this takes place at Samhain at Rath Croaghan/Cruachan, hence its association with Halloween.

Contender 2 – Tlachtga, Meath

The original Tlachtga was a druidess of considerable power and importance, the daughter of Mug Ruith who lived on Valentia Island in Kerry. He is said to have lived through the reign of nineteen kings, with his lifespan stretching back to the time of Christ on earth. Tlachtga and her father could travel the world on the Rath, a fabulous spinning wheel of fire that easily transported them. Mug Ruith sought out knowledge and learning like few before him and it was in this manner that he and Tlachtga travelled to study under Simon Magus (Simon the Sorcerer), who is mentioned in the Bible.

Simon Magus and Mug Ruith sent Tlachtga out into the world to gather as much knowledge as she could find. Upon her return they realized that her knowledge far surpassed their own!
They were outraged and such was their jealousy that they set the three sons of Simon Magus upon Tlachtga, who defiled her. She returned to Ireland where she gave birth to three sons, Dorb (Doirb), Cuma (Cumma) and Muach.

It was on the hill of Ward in county Meath that Tlachtga brought her three sons into the world, and it was there that she died, unable to sustain her life in the face of the utter grief and despair she felt at the indignity she had endured.

In recent years a renewal of the annual gathering on the hill of Ward now attracts hundreds of people at Halloween. A walk from Athboy up towards the Hill itself culminates with a celebration, with elaborate ceremonies and an acknowledgement of the cultural gift to Ireland and the world that Tlachtga represents.

In the ancient kingdom of Mide, Tlachtga was considered an important assembly place alongside Tara, Teiltun and Uisneach. These four ‘corners’ are recorded as having been the location of fortresses constructed by high king Tuathal Techmar at the foundation of Mide in the early decades of the first millennium AD.

‘Much of the (archaeological) evidence points towards a long history of ritual activity. Large quantities of animal bones – a sign of large scale feasting have been found throughout all phases of the site. The lack of evidence of any residential or day to day activity strengthens the idea that it most likely it was set aside purely for ritual or celebratory activity.

There have been finds in all three phases of the site, including scattered Bronze Age human remains and the skeleton of an infant between seven and ten months old… The child burial, next to a ritual deposit of cow bones, dates to AD 450 – around the time of the arrival of Christianity.

“The child was clearly buried with care and having not found any evidence of burials on the site, we’d have to guess that This child belonged to someone significant”.

Harvest knots and Guises

 

 

Homemade masks made by village boys calling to local houses on Oiche Shamhna

Outdoors

Unlike May when the fairies are active, November Eve brings malevolent spirits. It is the night for community bonfires, especially in housing estates in the cities and towns. Collecting the last handful of fruit and nuts.

Indoors

Families would attempt to have a celebratory supper on Oiche Shamhna. Family supper might be colcannon or pandy. They would first secure the house by sprinkling Holy Water and possibly placing a religious object in the thatch near the front door.

Typical Samhain Food included pancakes, stampy (a potato and apple cake, crusted with barley, enhanced with sea spinach and rock samphire & cooked with oil) apple cakes, nuts, blackberry pies.

An bairín breac/the barmbrack or the ‘speckled loaf’, containing oodles of dried autumn fruits is still a favourite treat, with lashings of butter.

Tokens inside the traditional loaf included the ring as a symbol of love and marriage,  a thimble (spinsterhood); a button (bachelorhood); a stick (to be beaten by the spouse); a rag (poverty); a coin (wealth) and a crucifix (the taking of religious orders).

Future Reading